Arjun Prasad Singh on Revolutionary Democracy

Arjun Prasad Singh on Revolutionary Democracy:  Indian Communists Rejecting Peoples’ Revolution, a Strategy Suitable to Indian Conditions!

Harsh Thakor*

Arjun Prasad Singh, now convenor of Democratic People’s Front of India, played a very formative role in the crystallising of revolutionary peasant resistance in Bihar in the late 1980’s to mid-1990. He has stressed a departure from the mechanical understanding of the Chinese path of practice to promote a broad-based character in people’s movements.

I first met Arjun ji in Mumbai in 1990 when he was convenor of Lok Sangram Morcha, and the second time during the convention of All India Peoples Resistance Forum on 50 years of Independence in Mumbai. In 2001, I met him when I made my first visit to Bihar, in Patna and then again in the Mumbai Resistance at Mumbai in 2004. Since 2013, we have frequently met in Delhi, where he has patiently discussed his political views with me on past history and current scenarios.

Arjun Prasad Singh has undertaken painstaking work on the urban front amongst organised and unorganised workers and written some of the most coherent and lucid articles diagnosing the nature of Indian Brahmanical fascism. Arjun’s writings have illustratively explored the anti-people dynamics of neo-liberal economic policies. Today, he dips his ink in the journal ‘Morcha’ where he has written extensively on diverse aspects. including a 6-part series on aspects of the mass line of the erstwhile CPI(ML) Party Unity Group and Naxalite movement of Bihar, and the switch towards left adventurist deviation, later.

Below is an interview I conducted with Arjun Prasad Singh, who is now convenor of the Democratic Front of India, and was formally secretary of the Progressive Democratic Front of India and joint secretary of the All-India Peoples Resistance Forum. It is a more detailed interview than one conducted recently, addressing subjects of Russia, Maoism and the Maoist Movement in more detail, Caste Question and Fascism more intensively.

Q1 Can you summarise your long political journey?

A1 I started my political journey in 1972, while in the final year of my MA at Patna University. Firstly, I joined the Bihar Students Association, the first open Revolutionary organisation of students, supporting the Naxalbari Peasants Upsurge. Later on, we formed CPI (ML)Unity Committee in 1974. I came in touch with Arvind Sinha, who drew me towards a Marxist political orientation. During students’ elections I campaigned with Baldev Jha., A protest was organised against the arrival of Lalo Prasad Yadav.

I played an active role in a roadblock protest in 1974. Many students were arrested, but I evaded arrest. Still, I went to see them in Bankipur prison. That year, I was appointed area secretary of CPI (ML) Unity Committee of Patna area, which adjoined with Bhojpur, Muzzafarnagar, and Rohtas. I set up a youth organisation unit in my area.

In 1977 I was attracted towards the politics of CPI(ML) PCC group during elections, reposing faith in their stand to participate in the elections. I actively campaigned for PCC candidates who went on to join PCC and were assigned tasks of working amongst Koyla workers in Paliganj region for 2 years, and later building Bihar Kisan Samiti in Sasaram region, with Paltu Master.

In 1983, I was sent by the secretary of the PCC, Ashok Chaterjee, to work in Bhojpur-Rohtas, where I worked in a Dalit Basti.

In 1984, I operated as the chief election agent of the election candidate of Pharsani Ram to contest against Jagjivan Ram. I confronted Jagjivan Ram when he wished to wipe away the name of Pharsani Ram.

In 1984, in the central conference of the PCC in Bengal, I came head-on in confrontation with leaders like Satyanarayana Singh and Devnathan, who boycotted the conference. I was now appointed leader of Bihar Kisan Samiti with BN Sharma. Soon, I parted ways with BN Sharma in 1985.

In 1986, I joined the CPI(ML) Party Unity Group and played role of an organiser of the later-banned Mazdoor Sangram Samiti, an organisation of peasants and landless workers. 1990’s, steering land movements in regions like Jehanabad, Daltangaunj, Aurangabad and Khagaria. The Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Samiti, later resurrected as Mazdoor Sangrami Parishad, played a pivotal role in infusing mass character to the peasant movement led by the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad and not letting it be dictated by armed squads. 

From 1988,, I became the convenor of Lok Sangram Morcha, a mass front comprising 7 mass organisations. It marshalled democratic forces through the Lok Sangram Morcha, built in 1988 in Delhi, and steered a wave of revolutionary democratic protests against state repression.  

I chaired various conventions and protests of the All-India Peoples Resistance Forum formed in 1994, which waged struggles on a wide spectrum from peasants, workers and tribals to that of nationalities. Being appointed joint secretary of the All India Peoples Residence Forum, I presided over its 2^nd national conference in Sangrur.  I was also a regular columnist in journals like Mukti Marg, People's Resistance and Jan Pratirodh. Illustratively, summarising developments in peasant struggles, particularly in Jehanabad. He has stressed a departure from the mechanical understanding of the Chinese path of practice to promote a broad-based character in people’s movements.

Q1. Briefly outline your organisational work.

I have been actively involved in several national-level initiatives. I served on the Steering Committee of the All-India Seminar on Nationalities held in Delhi (1996) and a seminar in Mumbai marking 50 years of Indian independence. I helped steer Jan Abhiyan, which organised an All-India Convention in 1992, and later the Forum Against Imperialist Globalisation, which held a major convention in Kolkata in 2004. I was also appointed convenor of AICADP, a front formed to oppose the death sentences awarded to Dalit labourers in Bara, where we petitioned the government for clemency. Additionally, I convened an anti-WTO front under AIPRF, which brought together 55 organisations, though it later became defunct.

Q2. Have major economic changes occurred in India since the 1990s?

Yes, significant structural changes have taken place since liberalisation. Employment has increasingly shifted from secure, permanent jobs to contractual and informal work, often with lower wages and minimal protections. At the same time, agrarian distress has forced large sections of the peasantry to leave agriculture and migrate to urban centres in search of livelihood, fundamentally altering India’s socio-economic landscape.

Q3. Do you support the 1970 CPI(ML) programme?

I do not support the 1970 CPI(ML) programme. Its characterisation of India as semi-feudal and semi-colonial is no longer valid. India has evolved into a dependent capitalist country, where capitalism has developed in close linkage with foreign capital and imperialist technology. In this context, the principal contradiction is not feudalism versus the masses, but between the comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie and the broad masses.

Q4. What is the current state of the revolutionary communist movement in India?

The movement remains highly fragmented, divided into numerous groups with differing ideological positions, programmes, and strategies. While unity is urgently needed, it remains difficult due to these differences. Many groups have fallen into revisionism, with some adopting parliamentary paths, while others pursue sectarian or purely militaristic approaches. A practical step forward would be to build an all-India coordination platform to resist authoritarian tendencies and state repression, even while ideological debates continue.

Q5. Was CPI(ML) Party Unity different from CPI (Maoist)?

Yes, CPI(ML) Party Unity had a distinct approach, especially until the mid-1990s. It largely adhered to the mass line, emphasising mobilisation of the people and conducting limited, defensive armed actions without undermining mass character. Its work, particularly in regions like Jehanabad, reflected genuine mass resistance. However, after the mid-1990s, especially during unity efforts with the People’s War Group, there was a shift toward militarisation, which diluted its earlier mass-based orientation.

Q6. What is the role of the Democratic People’s Front?

The Democratic People’s Front is a broad-based democratic platform formed around five years ago. It brings together individuals and organisations across several states. The Front works on a common political programme addressing issues such as capitalist-imperialist exploitation, state repression, unemployment, price rise, corruption, and oppression of minorities and Dalits. It also collaborates with other democratic and progressive forces in joint struggles.

Q7. What are your views on Maoism and CPI (Maoist)?

I fundamentally disagree with Maoism as an ideological framework and with the strategy of CPI (Maoist). Maoism, as later theorised, represents a sectarian deviation from Marxism-Leninism-Mao Thought. The CPI (Maoist)’s reliance on protracted armed struggle, guerrilla zones, and election boycotts has weakened mass movements and led to heavy organisational losses. In my view, revolutionary politics must prioritise mass mobilisation rather than militarism. I uphold Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse Tung Thought, which differs significantly from later interpretations of Maoism.

Q8. What is your view on the caste question?

Caste remains a deeply embedded feature of Indian society, operating at both economic (base) and social (superstructure) levels. It cannot be resolved solely through class struggle, as caste and class are interlinked. Addressing caste oppression requires targeted measures, especially the economic empowerment of Dalits. Land redistribution and access to resources are essential steps toward transforming their social position.

Q9. What is your opinion on Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM)?

The SKM has played a central role in mobilising farmers, particularly around demands such as legal guarantees for MSP, loan waivers, and opposition to policies like the Electricity Bill. However, the broader farmers’ movement remains fragmented, with multiple organisations operating separately. A key limitation of the SKM is its focus on economic demands without developing a wider political perspective or forging deeper unity with agricultural labourers and other working classes. A broader, united front is necessary for long-term impact.

Q10. What is your view on Russia?

Following Stalin’s period, the Soviet Union gradually transitioned into a capitalist system, culminating in its disintegration in 1991 into multiple republics. Contemporary Russia functions as an imperialist power and is engaged in conflict with Ukraine. At the same time, global developments, including formations like BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, indicate a shift toward a multipolar world order.

Q11. What is your view on fascism in India?

Fascism can be understood, following Georgi Dimitrov, as the open, terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary elements of finance capital. In India, it manifests differently from classical European forms but retains core features such as authoritarianism, aggressive nationalism, and suppression of dissent. The current political climate reflects these tendencies, with increasing centralisation of power and targeting of minority communities.